Articles

The dynamic change in the realities of the modern world has led to, among other things, the transformation of the political resource of the mass media. The mass media has a much greater infl uence on the political process today than it did at the end of the last century. Major changes have taken place both in the functioning of the press and in the discourse in which it is customary to consider it. In this regard, this article is devoted to the analysis of terms that have become quite popular and in demand in a short time, despite the fact that they are relatively new to the categorical corpus of political communication studies. Having studied the content of the most frequently cited works in the “Science Index” system (RSCI: Russian Science Citation Index) that touch on these subjects, the author identifi es the main meanings attached to the concepts of “post-truth” and “ fake”; identifi es similarities and diff erences between disinformation and misinformation, verifi cation and factchecking; and formulates specifi c ways to counter the manipulative infl uence of the mass media on the audience.

Social networks are an environment that refl ects the social practices of youth. From the situational activity of each network group, large clusters are formed which accumulate attitudes of the corresponding layer of young people. This study focuses on regional groups of the social network VKontakte in the city of Tomsk. Data collection and visualization create a methodology for mapping this information space (“community detection”) that is relevant in network analysis. The presence of two socially diff erentiating strategies of behavior among the youth of Tomsk were substantiated by the study. They feature diff erent everyday practices, values, reference groups and information sources, and self-stigmatization systems. “Low” sociocultural practices correspond to a social group that can be described as a “group without a future,” with a negative identity. The practices of another social group, aimed at obtaining higher education and building a career, diff er radically from those of the former. Its representatives are guided by foreign sources, organizations and models. Signifi cant attention in the study is given over to issues of methodology, the mapping process and the interpretation of research results.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the directions and possibilities of using Internet technologies in the implementation of the state youth policy of Russia. The author notes that information technologies and network forms of communication form fundamentally new models of socialization and, as a result, expand the range of possible forms of political participation of young people. In this regard, it is important that youth policy is implemented taking into account current socio-political and cultural trends, as well as the opportunities off ered by modern information and communication technologies. Special attention is paid to the use of Internet technologies to solve information and communication problems of youth policy, as well as to ensure the process of civil and Patriotic education of young people.

This article is devoted to the study of the impact of socio-demographic factors such as gender, age and level of education on the process of forming an image of an ideal president. Examining part of a study of the ideal presidential image conducted by the Political Sociology and Psychology Program in Moscow State University’s Political Science Department, the author identifi es and analyzes the universal and unique personal and professional characteristics in the mass consciousness of Russian citizens from diff erent social categories. The results of the study lead to certain conclusions concerning the integrity and organicity of the ideal president’s image. In the opinion of young people, the political and professional qualities that a head of state should possess were largely infl uenced by relatively new, “rational-secular” values that were introduced into the political system of the state during the period of recovery after the collapse of the USSR. Moreover, despite the quite successful “resocialization” that representatives of the older generation went through, that generation’s view on the image of the exemplary head of state still appears more conservative in comparison with the “eff ective manager” that the younger generation of citizens imagines of the president.

This article analyzes the emergence and operation of the Tripartite Maritime Safety Cooperation initiative (TMSC). The fi rst mechanism in the history of the Indian Ocean region involving interaction at the level of security advisers of India and its key security partners — the Republic of Maldives and Sri Lanka — existed for three years; at the moment its activities are frozen. The author sets himself the task of analyzing the reasons for the creation of this initiative, the interests of the participating countries, the activities carried out in the framework of the TMSC and their results, and fi nally the possible reasons for the termination of the TMSC’s functions. The author concludes that the reasons for the failure of the TMSC initiative in their current form are objective, and that India, if it intends to create an eff ective alliance, will have to either change the approach to the formation of such mechanisms, formalize them even more, or negotiate with China as an alternative security provider.

This article presents a conceptual analysis of the phenomenon of the citizen in the subject fi eld of political science. The authors distinguish three aspects of analysis: historical-political, socio-political and political-psychological. It is noted that the contradiction that exists today in Russia between the concept of “citizen” and the phenomenon of “citizen” is due to the historical context of their development. A citizen is presented as the socio-political role of a person in the state and society which determines his formal political, legal and social status and is prescribed to him by cultural traditions and the political system. The political and legal status of a citizen is described through the category of citizenship. The image of the ideal citizen is infl uenced by the political regime and moral principles. Civil society is considered an environment for the formation and self-realization of a citizen. The political and psychological characteristics of a citizen as a subject of socio-political relations are determined by a developed civic consciousness, a formed civic identity and a wide repertoire of forms of civic activity.

This article analyzes the results of a study conducted in 2017–2018 by the Program of Sociology and Psychology of Politics of the Political Science Department of Lomonosov Moscow State University. The study examined the features of the perception of foreign countries (of Western Europe, BRICS and the former Soviet Union) by Russian citizens. The results of the study lead to a number of conclusions. First, the perception of a number of other countries — the images of the “signifi cant other” — are the backbone structures of Russian political consciousness. Their importance and relevance is explained by the desire, through an appeal to “others,” to see the cultural and historical specifi cs of Russia and the Russian national-state identity more clearly. Secondly, the hypothesis put forward by the authors was generally confi rmed: the images of foreign countries in the minds of Russians are shaped under the decisive infl uence of socio-political discourse — a situational factor that broadcasts certain semantic patterns through various mass media. At the same time, the infl uence of prolonged socio-cultural and generational factors on the system of ideas about a foreign country is less pronounced. The most vivid example of such infl uence was the total negativization of the image of Ukraine, a transition from the category of “ friends” to one of “aliens.” In the structure of Russian perception of other countries, the “ friend — alien” scheme likewise occupies a central position. States perceived as “ friends” (for example, Belarus, Kazakhstan) are deemed, a priori, to possess more positive characteristics. These positive evaluations are usually emotionally tinged and fairly weak from the point of view of cognitive justifi cation. This also characterizes the images of those states that are viewed by Russians as “allies,” conventionally “ours” (e.g. Brazil, China). At the same time, Western countries perceived as “aliens” are endowed with mostly negative emotional characteristics.

This article presents a systematic analysis the motivational profi le of the political participation of young people in the activity of contemporary Russian parties, using research conducted by the Sociology and Psychology of Politics Program of the Political Science Department of Lomonosov Moscow State University. Particular attention is paid to the psychological foundation of youth political activism among contemporary Russian citizens, the characteristic features of the political behavior of the younger generation, and comparative analysis of the motivational aspirations of the young activists of Russian parties. The article also analyzes the infl uence of the basic institutions of political socialization on the formation of the personality of young Russian politicians. The author examines the basic motives that contribute to the the choice of by young people of the sphere of politics as a profession for the formation of one’s own personality. Judging by the results of the study, the author concludes that the motivation of young people going into politics depends, in many respects, on the generational specifi city of their political socialization, in which a desire for their own self-realization is clearly expressed.

An extensive body of research has been assembled by modern social science on the interaction of state power and big business, yet despite this the relevance of a thorough theoretical review of these relations has not diminished in recent decades. This article analyzes a number of paradigms that defi ne value criteria, worldviews and theoretical and methodological standards aff ecting both scholarly research in this area and the development of state policy and actual politics. These are rational-critical, corporatist and neo-corporatist paradigms, that of the “new state management,” and such critical theories as neo-Marxism and the theory of political networks. When analyzing these paradigms, the author pays special attention to the operationalization of key concepts and the defi nition of basic interpretations, models and concepts of corporate-state interaction. The study of theoretical-methodological approaches contributes to the systematization of the results of research in the study of applied mechanisms of interaction between government and big business. The author concludes that the paradigms cited to a certain extent only coexist and actualize depending on the situation in the world economy, the political relations of individual states or their alliances, cultural characteristics and other factors.

This article examines the forms of public communication and public selforganization in Russia in the fi rst half of the 19th century. Such forms of public socialization as circles, salons, clubs, scientifi c organizations, and others are analyzed. The purpose of the study is to shed light on particular features of public communication and public self-organization in Russia during the period. Complex and contradictory processes were under way in both the society itself and in the relations between society and the state. On the one hand, the government contributed to social modernization, the development of new forms of self-organization by society. On the other hand, the government also tried to be as vigilant as possible in monitoring any manifestations of public activity, both by normative acts and by creating various control bodies.